Political Science Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words - 7

Political Science - Assignment Example This shows that preparation is connected to long haul work and is an essential consideration for fruitful execution, profit, and spirit. Value-based initiative as exhibited in transactional leadership is the basis of employee empowerment through training. According to a study by Antonakis & House et al. (2014), the relationship between employee strengthening and workers impression of notoriety is a valid explanation of company success. Antonakis & House et al ( 2014) found that employees who feel they have more capacity to perform, or more control in choice making, have a tendency to assess authoritative notoriety in a positive way. In addition, employees emotions of control assume a more imperative part than sentiments of fitness in anticipating their assessment of notoriety. With respect to the relationship between administration style and employee empowering, results demonstrated that both transformational initiative and value-based authority are connected with workers sentiments of control. Transformational leaders are more inclined to delegate force to employees and include them in choice making than value-based

Greed, Need and Money, Walter Williams Essay Example for Free

Greed, Need and Money, Walter Williams Essay In the article entitled, Greed, Need and Money, Walter Williams presents his take on the economics and logic of keeping CEOs highly paid. He essentially argues that these huge â€Å"golden parachutes† and corporate salaries are justified by return that these companies get in return. Just because a CEO gets a high salary does not mean that he does not deserve it or do anything to help the company recover that value. By comparing this to a simple supply and demand model, Walter Williams is able to show that the reason the salaries are so high is because the demand is high as well and supply is pretty scarce. One manner by which the mention of the word greed can be applied to the economic lessons that have been discussed is to juxtapose this to the application of greed as an economic theory. Greed can be said to be the primal instinct for self-preservation of people. In an attempt to protect one’s self, man seeks only to pursue his individual interests without care for the well-being of others. In relation to economics, this pursuit of individual interests is greed or the pursuit of economic self-interests, otherwise known as individual wealth accumulation. Greed as a driving force is not an entirely new concept as it was originally part of the Invisible Hand theory introduced by Adam Smith. The basic precept of the invisible hand is that in a free market a person who chooses to be greedy and pursue his own interests in invariably also furthering the good of the entire community. A perfect example is in a situation where a person seeks to maximize his personal profits in total disregard of other factors. By applying the Invisible Hand theory of Adam Smith, it can be shown that when the total revenue of society is calculated this becomes identical to the summation of the individual revenues of every member of that society. In order to arrive at a better understanding of how greed, which is a key concept under the Invisible Hand Theory, both drives and regulates capitalist markets, it is essential to have a brief discussion of the basic supply and demand model. This is because production is driven by the willingness of the seller to supply and the basic goal of every seller is to increase profits (greed). This can be understood from two approaches, however, the first being profit maximization through an increase in the volume of units sold (assuming ceteris paribus) and the second being profit maximization through a decrease in the cost of the factors of production which in turn increases the profit margins per unit sold. The basic supply-demand model becomes critical in this understanding because under the market model sales will only willingly occur at the equilibrium point. The price level of a good essentially is determined by the point at which quantity supplied equals quantity demanded. The law of supply and demand predicts that the price level will move toward the point that equalizes quantities supplied and demanded. Greed is crucial in this sense because it is the basic assumption or behavior under this model. Without greed, there would be no drive for the individuals in society to pursue their own self-interests. The absence of this driving mechanism would mean that there will be no individual revenues and thus leading to the failure of the community revenue to equalize with its summation. This basically means that society’s scarce resources become more efficiently allocated through the regulatory nature of greed in capitalist markets. While the Invisible Hand theory has already been rejected as an acceptable economic model by the works of John Maynard Keynes and Milton Friedman, the more complex markets of today have shown that the pursuit of self-interests, while natural of human behavior, must be regulated by external systems in order to ensure a more equitable and efficient allocation of resources. This means that greed is not necessarily good in today’s current economic situation. As used in this discussion and in the article, this greed may not only be the effect of supply and demand but the pursuits of an individual’s self-interests for the improvement of the economic system.

Status of India’s Expatriate Worker in Iraq

Status of India’s Expatriate Worker in Iraq International labour markets are an important part of the process of globalization and economic interdependence across countries and regions. This is essential to develop evidence-based policies. International migrations act as a basic device of economic building for both exporting country as well as importing country.They provide remittances for migrant sending countries which help its economy. On the other hand it’s also important for the development of migrant receiving counties. India has one of the worlds most diverse and complex migration histories. Indian Migration to different part of the world is not new phenomenon. After India’s independence the main destination of Indian workers was especially English speaking countries like US, UK, Canada, Australia and other developed countries. But oil boom in the gulf region in 1973 and with the beginning of development programmes in these countries[1]. The nature of Indian migration totally changed. This process resulted in a massive emigration of workers from India to gulf countries. During the respective period, there was concern that India was losing its educated workforce to the Western countries. Migration of Indian manpower to gulf region offers an opportunity for providing fruitful employment to Indian unemployed persons[2]. Before 1970, there were only 3,000 Indian merchant families in Dubai which was the major trade centre in the region[3]. On the one hand, India’s migration to gulf countries is important key factor for development of gulf countries as well as other West Asian countries. On the other hand, by and large they earned good name for themselves and for India by their hard work, skill and competence. At the end of First World War, what is now Iraq was awarded to Britain as mandatory territory by League of Nations. The British administrator thereupon started taking Indians to this country to build up its railway and ports, established its post and telegraph departments, its inland water transport system and various public utilities. Some India as began to man minor posts in Iraq as clerks, technician and accountant, both public as well as private organisations. But prior to 1973 Iraq and Oman were net exporters of manpower countries. Thereafter, both became the major labor importing countries. The Composition of India’s migration to west Asian countries changed because of significant oil price hike in 1973 and consequent earning of large revenue accelerated of social changes in Iraq as well as other West Asian countries[4]. Subsequently, Iraq began an ambitious programme of modernisation. This was characterised by massive investment in economic and social infrastructure and necessitated the service of large number of foreign workers. Migrant workers were required not only in construction projects. But also to work in industry, trade and service sectors. Indian companies were successful in winning a number of civil construction contracts. This trend of awarding major projects to Indian companies continued through the 1980s in spite of the Iran-Iraq war. Thousands of worker arrived in Iraq for the execution of those projects. Due to the further oil price hike in 1979 government revenue rose sharply in the course of a single year. As a result, the Gulf States launched more ambitious development plans, lavish projects, and even more generous social welfare programs. These initiatives caused a surge in demand for an additional 700,000 migrant workers in Saudi Arabia and the other GCC countries in 1980. The number of migrant workers in Iraq also increased to about 750,000.The number of Indian workers alone exceeded 500,000 by 1980. Whereas numbers of Indian expatriate workers in Iraq peaked to nearly 80,000 by the late 1980’s. Apart from the increasing number of workers, two other trends emerged during this period. First, the share of Arab migrant workers declined from about 43% in 1975 to about 37% in 1980. This was primarily due to the inflow of Indians, Pakistanis, Sri Lankans, and other Asian workers to the region. This was perhaps the result of the policies of the Gulf countries that favoured South Asian workers. Second, the demand for unskilled labor slowed as major infrastructure projects were completed, while the demand for skilled wo rkers increased. After that Indian’s migration to Iraq as well as other gulf countries decline sharply during 1980s due to decline in oil prices in late 1982, contraction of oil revenues, some development projects slowed and demand for foreign workers slackened. However, the preference for skilled workers continued[5]. The Iran-Iraq War (1980-88) and the 1991 Iraq War helped to attract migrants to this country. But gulf war 1991 and UN sanction on Iraq disturbed India’s migration to Iraq. After that Indian migration to Iraq sharply declined. Large amount of the migrants have come back and settled down in their native places seeking self employment. Consequently, it was the Gulf war of 1990-91 that had woken up the Indian policy makers about the vulnerability of its workers in the Gulf, and the importance of their remittances to the economy. The increase in petroleum prices, associated with fall in remittances of Indian workers in Kuwait and Iraq and the added expenditure of airlifting Indian citizens from the Gulf. Indian unskilled and semi skilled migrant move to other gulf countries i.e. Saudi Arabia, UAE etc. Provided further impetus to the Indian economy to precipitate the reforms that started in early 1990s. However, with change in the paradigm of migration, it was the perception of hig h-skill emigration to industrial countries which had changed much more drastically than that on labour migration to the Gulf countries[6].This migration lightly revived with oil for food programme. But just after couple of years this continuously declined tremendously up to end of the saddam hussain regime. The Indian Diaspora in Iraq as well as other gulf countries consists of entirely of ‘Non resident Indian citizen (NRIs). The details of India’s migration to Iraq are provided in the following table. Table 4.8: Estimates of India’s migration to Iraq Year India’s Migration to Iraq India’s Total Migration to Gulf Countries Percentage share of India’s migration to Iraq in India’s total migration to gulf countries 1975 7,500 266,255 2.82 1979 20,000 501,000 3.99 1981 25,000 554,500 4.51 1983 50,000 916,000 5.46 1987 35,000 1,096,000 3.19 1991 26 1,505,000 0.002 1999 N.A 3,000,000 .. 2001 50 2,326,680 0.002 Source: 1.Deepak Nayyar, international labour migration from India: A macro economic Analysis, Working paper No. 3, Asian Regional programme on international labour migration, UN development Programme, New Delhi, 1988, p14. 2. Report of high level committee of the India diaspora, Government of India 3. Distribution of Annual Labor Outflows from India by Destination, 1990-1994. Asian Migration Atlas. http://smc.org.ph/ama/ama-archive.php?id=IN. Figure 4.5: Estimates of India’s migration to Iraq Source: Table 4.8 Table 4.8 provides data about India’s migration to Iraq during Saddam Hussein’s period. Where it’s found that the size of India’s migration to Iraq constitutes 7500 in 1975. This size of migration continuously increased tremendously at peak level to 35,000 in 1987 but suddenly declined to 26 in 1991. After that India’s migration to Iraq were disturbed beyond saddam hussain period due to first gulf war, sanctions on Iraq and other political climate. This implies that prior to 1987 Iraq was healthier source for India’s labour migration. But India’s labour migration to Iraq continuously declined to 50 in 2001 due to political and economical instability in Iraq by gulf war. Looking at the percent share of India’s migration to Iraq in India’s total migration to the gulf, it is found that Percentage share of India’s migration to Iraq in India’s total migration to gulf countries constituted 2.82 percent in 1975. Th is share continuously increased to 3.99 percent in 1987. This corresponding year Iraq became second largest country after Saudi Arabia for Indian migrant workers in the gulf region. But Share of Indian migrants in Iraq declined sharply during gulf war 1991. Mostly Indian people return to home caused by feeling insecurity in Iraq. Thus Indian migration to Iraq declined massively during above period. Annual Labour Migration from India to Iraq: The volume of Indian migrant population in Iraq is much larger than the volume of migrant workers. The data on the destination of this outflow by country of destination is given in the table 4.9. This table gives comprehensive Trends of labour out-flow from India to Iraq from 1982 to the 1990. Table No. 4.9: Annual labour Migration from India to Iraq Year Annual Labour Migration from India to Iraq Annual Labour Migration from India to west Asia % of Annual Labour Migration from India to west Asia 1982 35268 239555 14.72 1983 13001 224995 5.78 1984 11398 205922 5.54 1985 5855 163035 3.59 1986 5040 113649 4.43 1987 2330 125356 1.86 1988 4284 169888 2.52 1989 5085 125786 4.04 1990 1650 143565 1.15 Source: Rahman, Anisur. Indian manpower to the Gulf: strategic and economic dimention. In West Asia and the Region: Defining Indias Role, by Rajendra Madhukar Abhyankar, p22. New Delhi: Acadmic Foundation, 2008. Fig No. 4.5: Annual labour Migration from India to Iraq Source: Table No. 4.9 It is clear from above data that labour migration from India to Iraq continuously grew with beginning from 35268 in 1982 to 2330 in 1987. The Size of labour migration slightly improved to 4284 in 1988 and 5085. Finally this migration declined to 1650 in 1990. There after Indian labour migration almost closed in remaining period of saddam hussain because of gulf war and shocking political climate in Iraq. Table 4.9 also found that Percentage shared annual labour migration from India to Iraq in India’s total annual labour migration from India to West Asian countries continuously declined from 14.72 Percent in1982 to 1.15 percent in 1990 except 1986, 1988 and 1989 at 4.43 percent, 2.52 percent and 4.04 percent respectively. We can now summarise by saying that this chapter an attempt was made to throw light on the actual status and it does just describe what gone of India’s economic cooperation with Iraq through comprehensive study about trends, pattern and commodity composition of Indo-Iraq trade during Saddam Era. Where, it was revealed that trend of trade relations between India and Iraq during Saddam regime grew up and down dramatically due to Iran-Iraq war and two gulf wars in 1991 and 2003. However, India and Iraq are long standing economic partners, with significant mutual trade in the pre-war period. The comprehensive study of this chapter to found that compound annual growth of Indo-Iraq trade, India’s total trade and Iraqi total trade has been found as 14.56 % percent, 8.05 % percent and -4.62 percent, respectively over the period. This implies that Indo-Iraq trade was the worse in performance as compared to India’s total trade and Iraq total trade during Saddam Hussainâ⠂¬â„¢s Period. Thus it can be concluded that Indo-Iraq trade suffered serious setback. Indo-Iraq trade reduced more speedily than Iraq’s total trade. Whereas, India’s total trade increased tremendously during saddam era. The analysis further found that India’s trade with Iraq has been tremendously unbalanced due to Over Representation of India’s imports from Iraq. It is also found that, India’s migration to Iraq was significant before gulf war 1991. After that Indian migration to Iraq sharply declined up to the end of saddam regime. [1] . Rahman, Anisur. Indian Labour Migration to the Gulf. New Delhi: Rajat Publication, 2001. [2] . Rahman, Anisur. Indian manpower to the Gulf: strategic and economic dimention. In West Asia and the Region: Defining Indias Role, by Rajendra Madhukar Abhyankar, p203. New Delhi: Acadmic Foundation, 2008. [3] . Rahman, Anisur. Indian manpower to the Gulf: strategic and economic dimention. In West Asia and the Region: Defining Indias Role, by Rajendra Madhukar Abhyankar, p16. New Delhi: Acadmic Foundation, 2008. [4] . Prakash, B.A. indian migration to west asia. In The Indian Economy Since 1991: Economic Reforms and Performance, by B.A Prakash, p85. Delhi: Dorling Kindersley, 2009. [5] . Contries ofthe gulf region. Report of high level committee of the India diaspora, Government of India, 2002. [6] . Khadria, Binod. India: Skilled Migration To Developed Countries, Labour Migration To The Gulf. (D. Reidel Publishing) March 2006: p156. Or https://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/bop /2003/03-20.pdf (accessed August 2013, 20).

Geographical Effects on Cooking and Preparation :: Research Cooking Geogrpahy Papers

Geographical Effects on Cooking and Preparation Abstract: This paper will attempt to show others the differences and similarities in food preparation due to differences in altitudes. Accordingly, this paper will explore the adjustments necessary to cook in different locations and at different elevations. This paper is of interest to me because I live at an elevation of over 10,572 feet. The backs of boxes do not indicate changes of this type. This also interests me because I have a joy for being in the kitchen. National Standards: A group of parents, educators, business people, and organizations has developed a list of standards for educators to use as a reference in order to make the United States internationally competitive (14, p 9). These standards should apply to this paper and to all geography related topics. Three standards have been chosen to focus the attention of this paper. The first one is number six; "Knows and understands that culture and experiences influence people’s perception of places and experiences." This applies because there will be a different perspective on cooking for those who live in low altitudes than to those who live at higher ones. The second one that applies is number 14; "Knows and understands how the earth’s physical and human systems are connected and interact." It is because of the physical surroundings that the human system of cooking is altered. Finally, number 18: "Knows and understands how to apply geography to interpret the present and the future." This standard is used to show that at present there are still a lot of experiments to complete, so that perhaps in the future we will be better prepared to adjust to higher elevations. Introduction: As the twenty-first century is rapidly approaching people have a lot on their minds; wars, shortages of fuel leading to higher gas prices, possible computer crashes, and who will be the prominent leaders, among other things. This paper is designed to allow the reader to escape into the world nearly everyone enjoys, eating. Food is required to sustain life. Even small children know that fact; however, not everyone knows that food also has emotional and psychological effects. Food is the source of security, satisfaction, hospitality, and status (1, p 8). Involved in the last of these, status, is a large element of social interaction and acceptance. Accordingly, the area in which a person lives is one of the largest factors determining the eating habits a person develops (1, p 2).

Contrasting the View of the Ultimate Reality in Relation to Science Essay

What compels mankind to seek unity between, science and religion, two compartmentalized and distinct aspects of our world? John Polkinghorne states, in â€Å"Does God Act in the Physical World†, â€Å"The demand for an integrated account of both theological and scientific insight impels us to the task† (Polkinghorne 59). Yet Polkinghorne is not alone is his quest; in â€Å"Emptiness and Form† Fritjof Capra connects the ultimate reality with the physical world. While Polkinghorne and Capra agree on certain ideals, such as the man’s inability to fully grasp the ultimate and the incorporation of quantum mechanics in each one’s respective argument, they also contrast in terms of the religions they use to defend their argument. This leads to differences in their views on the ultimate and His interaction with the physical world. While this leads to two distinct and diverse arguments, I believe that both arguments are equally presented in a reputable and successful manner. At one point in each of their respective arguments, Polkinghorne and Capra clearly state that the understanding of the ultimate reality cannot be fully understood by humankind. Polkinghorne writes, â€Å"We are a long way from a full understanding of our own powers of agency, let alone how it is that God works in the world† (Polkinghorne 74). Due to our limited minds and capabilities, mankind will never be able to fully grasp the ultimate reality in its full essence. It is quite mindboggling, if not impossible, to fully understand the ultimate reality, when it is as an infinite and omnipresent being. â€Å"The reality underlying all phenomena is beyond all forms and defies all description and specification† (Capra 211). The professor who taught my freshman Colloquium on Science and Religion once stated that God cannot be put in a test tube. While he did say this statement as a means to refute the existence of an ultimate reality, his assertion is valid; there is only so much we can know about the divine. It is crucial that both Polkinghorne and Capra affirm this position in order to clarify that while it is possible to unify the ultimate reality with the physical world, we will never fully understand the relationship. In evolution terms, there seems to be a â€Å"missing link† that allows us to connect both aspects. Also, both Polkinghorne and Capra use the ideas and concepts of quantum mechanics as premises when connecting the ultimate reality with the physical world. Capra’s discussion of electrons and photons becomes the premise for one of his deductions. Capra writes, â€Å"The full interaction between the electrons will involve a series of photon exchanges†¦Ã¢â‚¬  (216). This leads to the assertion that there are no true forces in the subatomic world but that these interactions are due to the exchange of particles, that according to the quantum field theory are created and destroyed (Capra 217). These two premises lead Capra to state, â€Å"The electromagnetic forces are due to the presence of virtual photons ‘within’ charged particles†¦[and]†¦the forces between particles appear as intrinsic properties of the particles. † After deducing this premise Capra goes on to say, â€Å"Such a view of forces is also characteristic of Eastern mysticism which regards motion and change as essential and intrinsic properties of all things† (221). In order to clarify this statement he utilizes aspects of Chinese religion and explains how this assumption of quantum mechanics is connected to the ultimate reality. Like Capra, Polkinghorne makes use of the theories and ideas of quantum mechanics as premise to relate the ultimate with the physical. One of the ideas he uses is the chaos theory. The theory says that events in a chaotic system are random but Polkinghorne employs this theory in his argument in order to show how deterministic chaos is not a valid argument, which will eventually lead to his idea of an open system. He says, â€Å"A chaotic system is not totally ‘chaotic’ in the popular sense, corresponding to absolutely random behavior. † There are certain possibilities known as a â€Å"strange attractor† and its limited to a certain extent, but this â€Å"detailed future behaviour of a chaotic system is unknowable† (Polkinhorne 52). Later on in his argument, Polkinghorne discusses the idea of deterministic chaos and consider it from a different viewpoint. He writes: Instead of adopting the conventional strategy of saying this shows that simple determinism underlies even apparently complex random behavior, I prefer the realist strategy of seeking the closest alignment of ontology and epistemology†¦[which] has the additional advantage of accommodating the notion of top-down causality in a natural way (Polkinghorne 64). The premise of top-down causality leads to his connection of the ultimate reality with the physical world and that God interacts with the world in a top-down fashion. If the ultimate reality does truly interact with the world, then this will lead to the discussion of an open system in which Polkinghorne also uses the basis of quantum mechanics in order to make a postulation. Another major theories Polkinghorne frequently refers to in his argument is the Heisenberg’s uncertainty principle, which states that we cannot simultaneously know the position and momentum of any particle (53). This idea of uncertainty in the physical world is the premise that leads to Polkinghorne’s assumption of the universe as an open system. He writes, â€Å"The ‘gaps’ of quantum uncertainty operate only in particular circumstances†¦to produce an openness at the lever of classical physics† (Polkinghorne 60). While Polkinghorne advocates the idea of an open system, it is evident that his counter partner, Capra, sees the universe as a closed system. One of the major differences between Capra and Polkinghorne is the concept of a closed system versus an open system. Capra respectively agrees and accepts with the view of the universe as a closed system. Capra explains this concept by first explaining the idea of matter and empty space or the full and the void. He discusses how these are interconnected. â€Å"The two cannot be distinguished† (Capra 208). In Eastern religions, this Void â€Å"has an infinite creative potential†¦[which]†¦like the quantum field, it gives birth to an infinite variety of forms which it sustains and eventually reabsorbs† (Capra 212). The notion of it sustaining itself and reabsorbing leads to the idea of a system that is set up and is able to maintain itself without the help of an ultimate being. Buddhism expressed this idea of form and emptiness in a single whole entity. Capra quotes, â€Å"‘Form is emptiness, and emptiness is indeed form. Emptiness is not different from form, form is not different from emptiness. What is form that is emptiness, what is emptiness that is form’† (215). Also, Capra states that this form and emptiness is elevated into a vacuum diagram that â€Å"contains an unlimited number of particles which come into being and vanish without end. † This â€Å"physical vacuum†¦contains the potentiality for all forms of the particle world† (Capra 222). This system implies that the relationship between the ultimate reality and the physical world is one where the divine has set up system and does not intervene in our world. This premise eventually leads to the idea that there is no free will and that the universe is determined. This view of the universe completely changes the way we perceive the world. Without free will morals and ethics lose validity and are worthless to society. It is quite evident that Polkinghorne disagrees with this concept and presents his views of an open system. Polkinghorne would classify the idea of a universe as an closed system under â€Å"a minimalist response [which] is to decline to speak of particular divine actions and to confine theological talk to the single great act of holding the universe in being. † Polkinghorne believes that most scientists do not even consider this notion of a minimalist to be valid. He states that while God did establish the laws and set up the universe, this does not impede his interaction in the universe (Polkinghorne 54). He sees the connection between the ultimate reality and the physical world as â€Å"relating divine agency to human agency. † Polkinghorne explains, â€Å"When we act, we seem to do so as total beings† (57). Therefore God acts in the same as humans do, but it is seen as a God in relation to his creation. This premise leads to the top-down notion of the parts depending on the whole. With this top-down premise, Polkinghorne strengthens his argument of an open system by exhibiting that we are dependent on God, whether through the establishment of the laws or divine intervention in the universe. Polkinghorne also classifies the closed system as a â€Å"block universe†. He writes, â€Å"It is sometimes claimed that science endorses the alternative view that the universe ‘is’ rather than ‘becomes’† (Polkinghorne 68). This implies that the universe has a certain determinacy and that God does not act in the universe. Since the universe â€Å"is†, then it is conclusive that God must know the future because it is already determined. The view of the open system appears to be more logical and realistic, but at the expense of God’s infinite and omnipresent capabilities. He says, â€Å"†¦it is the universe of becoming that is the correct picture, then surely God must know it in its temporality, as it actually is. God must not just know that events are successive; they must be known in their succession† (Polkinghorne 69). While I agree that the universe is an open system, it cannot be at the expenditure of God. Say a person is on a roof looking down at an intersection; he can see all and everything laid out before him. He observes two cars coming at the intersection at the same time and foresees an accident. This is analogous to God and the universe, where God is in a position to see all and foretell all. Obviously, this is not a perfect analogy since the person is constricted by time and therefore could be incorrect in his assumptions. Therefore, if we accept the premise that God is infinite and outside the constricts of time, then we can conclude that God or the ultimate reality knows the future in an open system. The most crucial difference between the arguments of Polkinghorne and Capra is their definition of the ultimate reality. In each of their respective claims, the view of the ultimate reality has a drastic effect on the outcome of each argument. The belief in certain characteristics of an ultimate reality is important when there is an attempt to connect it to the physical world. Through further analysis of both arguments, it is evident that the difference between Polkinghorne and Capra is basically a Western Religion versus Eastern Religion discussion. It is evident that Capra takes the side of Eastern Religion; his book is titled The Tao of Physics: An Exploration of the Parallels Between Modern Physics and Eastern Mysticism. Throughout his argument he constantly refers to the ideas and beliefs of religions such as Buddhism, Taoism, and Chinese religion. He quotes from their texts in an attempt to connect their ultimate reality with the physical world. On the other hand, Polkinghorne utilizes Western religion as a means of connecting the ultimate reality with the physical world. Specifically he uses the values and teachings of Christian traditions. He says that the discussion of the unity of the ultimate reality and the physical world is â€Å"a perennial issue on the Christian agenda† (Polkinghorne 48). One aspect of the arguments that I found to be perplexing was the use of the same laws of the physical world as at he basis of each author’s respective argument. Obviously, Polkinghorne and Capra have their own agenda and argument. Therefore, what does this say about the laws of the physical world; can they simply manipulate to agree with any form of the ultimate? This cannot be valid or then the laws of the physical world can be disfigured in order to fit any belief system or value; either Polkinghorne must be right and Capra wrong, or vice versa. We cannot accept this dualistic view of the world that the universe can be open in some instances and closed in others. Yet, this view arises when we fail to realize that there is one ultimate reality or truth. If there was one truth, then there would only be one way to connect this ultimate to the physical world. At the same time, we cannot say that Polkinghorne is correct and Capra is wrong, or vice versa. If the premises that they base their arguments off are valid then we cannot deduce which argument is better, but only say that it is a conflict of realities. The success of the arguments lies in the belief of the premises of the religious and physical world. Faith is the true deciding factor that will allow us to declare a winner in this pursuit of the unity of the ultimate reality and the physical world. If we assume that the premises of the physical world and quantum mechanics in each argument to be the same, then the only significant difference between each argument is the view of the ultimate reality. Since I have Christian traditions and beliefs I would strongly side with Polkinghorne’s argument. Yet, if there is a person who has no solid beliefs, then these two arguments would seem valid and justifiable in their eyes, due to their lack of knowledge of the ultimate reality.

Ten Most Common Trees in the United States

Ten Most Common Trees in the United States A United States Forest Service report called the Checklist of Native and Naturalized Trees suggests that there may be more than 865 different species of trees in the United States. Here are the 10 most commonplace native trees in the United States, based on several Federal surveys of tree species stem count, and are listed here in order of estimated numbers of trees by species: Red Maple or  (Acer rubrum)   Red maple is the most common tree in North America and lives in diverse climates and habitats, mainly in the eastern United States.  Acer rubrum  is a prolific seeder and readily sprouts from the stump which makes it ubiquitous  in both the  forest and in the urban landscape. Loblolly Pine or  (Pinus taeda)   Also called bull pine and old-field pine, Pinus taeda is the most widely planted pine tree in the eastern coastal states. Its natural range stretches  from east Texas to the pine barrens of New Jersey and is the dominant pine tree harvested for paper and solid wood produces. Sweetgum or  (Liquidambar styraciflua)   Sweetgum is one of the most aggressive pioneer  tree species and quickly takes over abandoned fields and unmanaged cut-over forests. Like red maple, it will comfortably grow on many sites including wetlands, dry uplands and hill country up to 2,600. It is sometimes planted as an ornamental but out of favor because of the spiky fruit that collects underfoot in the landscape. Douglas Fir or  (Pseudotsuga menziesii)   This tall fir of the North American west is only surpassed in height by the redwood. It can grow on both moist and dry sites and covers coastal and mountain slopes from 0 to 11,000. Several varieties of  Pseudotsuga menziesii, including the coastal Douglas fir of the Cascade Mountains and the Rocky Mountain Douglas fir of the Rockies. Quaking Aspen or  (Populus tremuloides)   Although not as numerous in stem count as red maple,  Populus tremuloides is the most widely distributed tree in North America spanning the entire northern portion of the continent. It is also called a keystone tree species because of its importance in diverse forest ecosystems within its large range. Sugar Maple  or (Acer saccharum)   Acer saccharum  is often called the star of eastern North Americas autumn foliage show and very common in the region. Its leaf shape is the emblem of the  Dominion of  Canada and the tree is the staple of  the Northeast maple syrup industry.   Balsam Fir  (Abies balsamea)   Like quaking aspen and with a similar range, balsam fir is the most widely distributed fir  in North America and the primary component of the Canadian boreal forest.  Abies balsamea  thrives on moist, acid and organic soils in swamps and on mountains to 5,600. Flowering Dogwood  (Cornus florida)   Flowering dogwood is one of the most common understory  hardwoods you will see in both hardwood and coniferous forests in eastern North America. It is also one of the most common of small trees in the urban landscape. It will grow from sea level to nearly 5,000. Lodgepole Pine  (Pinus contorta)   This pine is in abundance, particularly in western Canada and the Pacific Northwestern portion of the United States. Pinus contorta is prolific throughout the Cascades, Sierra Nevada and extends to southern California. It is a pine tree of the mountains and grows to an elevation of 11,000 feet. White Oak  (Quercus alba)   Quercus alba can grow on the most fertile of bottomlands to the most sterile of mountain slopes. White oak is a survivor and grows in a wide range of habitats. It is an oak that inhabits coastal forests to the woodlands along the mid-western prairie region.